We are obviously (or obliviously to some) sliding towards an early general election.
Many have decided to write off this election as a return to the “bad old days” with a resurgent UMNO potentially winning the lion’s share of seats. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to look as uninspired and uninspiring two years post-Sheraton Move, which has disappointed many to put it lightly.
I don’t blame people for feeling that way. As an observer and collateral damage of the half-baked political coup by Bersatu and the former PKR members of Parliament, it felt fairly obvious a few months into the lockdown that the collapsed government and herald of a ‘New Malaysia’ did not have a plan to get out of its rut.
Two years on, can anyone honestly say that PH has grown as a coalition?
In my humble opinion, they have not, but I would not lay the blame solely at the feet of those who have held high political office for decades (and in some cases for as long as I have been alive).
It cannot just be up to the same individuals that we have seen at the helm for the last quarter century, who we are also more than happy to blame for each and every mistake.
For the benefit of all, let us stop blaming people for just a moment.
In fact, lets step away from the rhetoric of the ballot box for a second, and expand our view of democratic participation.
We are more than aware of the importance of turning out to vote and how a single vote can change a country’s course, but the ballot box is just one tool in our democratic toolkit.
It can do a lot of things (and it has), but voting alone cannot do everything.
Consider that our political system, as any other, is a space of constant negotiation between different pools of vested interests both in the public and private sector, and they have money, power, influence, and other dimensions of power that can be played off against plain electoral power won through elections.
It could be something as mundane as a reluctance to cooperate with office-bearers because of cultural mismatch, but can be as far-reaching as legal and political challenges to protect the status quo or even expand it when the government is weak.
To place constraints on these powers and ensure that they at least do not cause more harm to the general population needs strategies more sophisticated and sustained than a vote once every five years.
We realise this to a certain extent, because we are now used to peaceful protests.
Protests are something that has become normalised again in our democratic culture, to the point that people will turn up even in the middle of a pandemic if they feel strongly enough about the cause.
Protests however are less a disruptive force than a show of potential. Being able to amass large numbers of protestors (voluntary or otherwise) does not automatically lead to a direct policy change.
When it works well it places great pressure on the powers-that-be to the point that they fear further backlash if nothing is changed.
But if an administration feels self-assured and unbothered by public reprimands, they can just go on their merry way.
The next step on the ladder is materialising that power in ways that can push back against entrenched interests.
A solid system of support and advocacy that can speak independently for the communities that they represent, is needed to push through fresh agendas and stave away unwanted incursions.
How would this look like?
At its most elementary level it would be getting to know other members of your (local/vocational/confessional/interest) communities and learning what each others’ problems are, and then communicating that to the authorities for their attention.
Being able to pinpoint issues and push for improvements, then seeking accountability for their action or inaction as a collective is underrated but it shouldn’t end there.
But before we dream of big things, we have to start making small moves.
Even the simplest activities will require a certain levels of commitment for things to run smoothly and continuously.
Communities and individuals will both need to step forward and contribute regularly, and not just in moments of crisis or anger, to lay the foundation of a system that can survive.
Malaysians must normalise this act of contributing strategically towards a democratic cause, and be part of the process of politics.
We cannot expect regular individuals however talented to perform miracles on a constant basis while we remain a passive audience, and certainly impossible without dependable support from the people.